Even the Law Profession Recognizes
 there is a problem in Alabama’s Justice System
 

“A system that will take life must first give justice.”
Former ABA President, John J. Curtin, Jr.

Charlotte A. Clark-Frieson, Associate Editor
Washington, D.C.

The American Bar Association has recently released it’s final report entitled “Full Alabama Death Penalty Assessment Report,” stemming from a project initiated I 2001, called The Death Penalty Moratorium Implementation Project.   In this article, we will attempt to highlight some of the inadequacies identified in Alabama’s Capital Punishment system as a result of this report.

In 2001, The American Bar Association launched the moratorium implementation project as a “next step” in working to obtain a nationwide moratorium on executions. 

According to project Director, Deborah T. Fleischaker, “The initiative was created to encourage other bar associations to press for moratoriums in their jurisdictions and to encourage state government leaders to establish moratoriums and undertake detailed examinations of capital punishment laws and processes in their jurisdictions.”     

Their work has included the collection and analysis of data on domestic and international moratorium developments; working with interested ABA entities and state and local bars to address moratorium principles at those levels; and encouraging use of ABA “protocols” as means of assessing and publicizing the depth and breadth of states’ reviews of their death penalty systems.  They have also conducted analyses of governmental and judicial responses to death penalty administration issues raised in the ABA resolution; and issued reports on moratorium developments

The extensive report , spanning more than 260 pages is the result of the past five years of working on the Moratorium Implementation Project..  The report begins with an “Executive Summary,” which overviews and sets the tone for the report.  It provides the reader with an overview of the history of the project, and establishes the need for such a project  and in essence, takes a stand on the issue of the need for a Moratorium on Executions.
In it’s opening statement the report acknowledges that, “Fairness and accuracy together form the foundation of the American criminal justice system.  As our capital punishment system now stands, however, we fall short in protecting these bedrock principles.  Our system cannot claim to provide due process or protect the innocent unless it provides a fair and accurate system for every person who faces the death penalty….
 
…Over the past thirty years, the American Bar Association (ABA) has become increasingly concerned that there is a crisis in our country’s death penalty system and that capital jurisdictions too often provide neither fairness nor accuracy.”
 
            The report provides a detailed look at Alabama’s Death Penalty process from beginning to end, then it analyzes several areas thought to bear on the fairness of the system.

The areas of concern highlighted in the report include:  Collection, Preservation, and testing of DNA and other evidence, Law Enforcement Interrogations and Identifications, Crime Laboratories and Medical Examiners Offices, Prosecutorial Professionalism, Defense Services, Direct Appeal Process, State Post-Convictions Proceedings, Clemency, Capital Jury Instructions, Judicial Independence, Racial and Ethnic Minorities, Mental Retardation and Mental Illness.

What follows are what we found to be some of the more interesting and startling aspects of the ABA Report.  Included here are just some excerpts extracted directly from the report, with their commentary on certain ambiguities and/or inconsistencies revealed in Alabama’s Death Penalty System.

Collection, Preservation, and testing of DNA and other Evidence:   One of the most startling revelations of the ABA report relates to the handling of DNA evidence.  Although the intricacies are far more than can be discussed in this one article, perhaps the most interesting was that in NO case was Alabama ever fully in compliance with recommended policies, practices and procedures when it came to collecting, preserving and testing DNA or other evidence used in sentencing an accused to death.

Law Enforcement Interrogations and Identifications:   “Eyewitness misidentification and false confessions are two of the leading causes of wrongful convictions.  In order to reduce the number of convictions of innocent persons and ensure the integrity of the criminal justice process, the rate of eyewitness misidentifications and of false confessions must be reduced.”   In this chapter of the report, Alabama’s laws, procedures, and practices related to law enforcement identifications and interrogations were reviewed and evaluated as to whether they comply with the ABA’s policies on law enforcement identifications and interrogations.  Alabama was commended on several measures related to law enforcement including:
 
(1) Law enforcement officers in Alabama are required to complete a basic training course that includes instruction on interviewing and questioning techniques;

(2) Courts have the discretion to admit expert testimony regarding the accuracy of eyewitness identifications; and

(3) Alabama courts allow a jury instruction that provides jurors with information about the shortcomings and trouble spots of the eyewitness identification process.

However, despite these commendations, it was also pointed out that the State of Alabama does not require law enforcement agencies to adopt procedures on identifications and interrogations nor does it appear than any Alabama law enforcement agencies videotape or audiotape the entirety of custodial interrogations.

In order to ensure that all law enforcement agencies conduct lineups and photospreads in a manner that maximizes their likely accuracy, the ABA recommends that Alabama  require all law enforcement agencies to adopt procedures on lineups and photospreads that are consistent with the ABA’s recommendations.  In addition, the State should mandate that law enforcement agencies record the entirety of custodial interrogations.

Crime Laboratories and Medical Examiners Offices:
A third area studied included Alabama’s laws, procedures, and practices on crime laboratories and medical examiner offices.   Based on information contained in this report, our nation’s courts are relying on forensic evidence and the questionable validity and reliability of tests performed at unaccredited crime laboratories.  So, the importance is clear, for crime labs to be accredited and medical examiners to be certified, and for the laboratories to be adequately funded.

It was interesting to note that Alabama does not require crime labs or medical examiner offices to be accredited.  However, nine of the ten crime laboratories in the Department of Forensic Sciences (Department) are accredited and are required by the accrediting body to adopt written standards and procedures on handling, preserving, and testing forensic evidence.  Neither the accrediting body nor Alabama statutory law, however, require Department crime laboratories to publish these standards and procedures, nor must they be made public before becoming effective. 

Therefore, nobody outside the department truly knows the standards and procedures.

The State of Alabama does require the Department’s Chief Medical Examiner to be a pathologist certified in forensic pathology and other Department medical examiners to be forensic pathologists who graduated from accredited medical schools and completed up to five years of additional training in pathology and one year in forensic pathology, BUT The Office of the Chief Medical Examiner does not currently employ any standard operating procedures to maintain reliability and consistency in its work among its four offices.  Additionally, the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner does not provide standardized training for new and existing state medical examiners to ensure the validity and reliability of medical examiners’ death investigations.   
 
This becomes problematic when one looks at the fact the evidence that comes out of criminal laboratories, if heavily relied upon to sentence an accused to death.

Prosecutorial Professionalism:   According to the ABA report, “The prosecutor plays a critical role in the criminal justice system.  The character, quality, and efficiency of the whole system is shaped in great measure by the manner in which the prosecutor exercises his/her broad discretionary powers, especially in capital cases, where prosecutors have enormous discretion deciding whether or not to seek the death penalty.”  In this Chapter, we examined Alabama’s laws, procedures, and practices relevant to prosecutorial professionalism and assessed whether they comply with the ABA’s policies on prosecutorial professionalism.   While the State of Alabama was praised for having taken certain  measures to promote the fair, efficient, and effective enforcement of criminal law,  the ABA review showed that the State was never totally in compliance with recommended policies, practices and procedures related to the conduct of District Attorneys.  

Defense Services:  “The State of Alabama’s indigent defense system is a “very fragmented, mixed, and uneven system that lacks level oversight and standards … and does not provide uniform, quality representation to the majority of indigent defendants in the state.”  The State’s failure to adopt a statewide public defender office, a series of local public defenders, or to implement close oversight of indigent legal services at the circuit level has resulted in the State being incapable of delivering quality counsel in all capital cases.”

Direct Appeal Process:  In this chapter of the report, Alabama’s  appeal process was studied in terms of how closely the State complied with the ABA’s policies.   This was an important area to look at because one of the purposes of the appeal review is to make sure that death sentences are not imposed arbitrarily, or based on improper biases, such as sex, race, or religion, etc.  To be meaningful, the review of the appeal process would allow one to compare the process in which an imposed sentence of death is compared with sentences imposed on similarly situated defendants to ensure that the sentences are not unevenly applied.   When it came to the appeal process, in no instance was Alabama in compliance  with recommended practices, policies and procedures.   “The Alabama Code requires that the Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals determine whether the defendant’s sentence of death is excessive or disproportionate by comparing the “penalty imposed in similar cases considering both the crime and the defendant.” In practice, however, the Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals has not followed this statutory requirement in several respects.  First, it has not considered cases where death was not imposed.  Second, it has often issued decisions with cursory and conclusive claims of proportionality, without reference to any other cases.  And finally, it has repeatedly failed to account for the defendants, focusing exclusively on general attributes of the crimes alone.” 

State Post-Convictions Proceedings:   According to the ABA report, many Capital defendants receive inadequate counsel at trial and on appeal.  Therefore, Alabama post-conviction proceedings often provide the first real opportunity to establish meritorious constitutional claims.    In the majority of instances, the state did not maintain adequate information to conduct a thorough study of this area.  Despite insufficient data, it was determined that Alabama has laws that 

Clemency:  “The Alabama Constitution gives the Governor the exclusive authority to grant reprieves and commutations to people under sentence of death.  The process an inmate follows in applying for clemency and the process the Governor follows in considering a clemency application is largely undefined and each Governor may conduct the process and s/he wishes.  A hearing is not guaranteed and the Governor is not required to consider any specific facts, evidence, or circumstances, or perform any specific procedures when making his/her decision regarding a clemency petition.

Given the ambiguities and lack of structure surrounding Alabama’s clemency process, the State of Alabama should adopt more explicit factors to guide the consideration of clemency petitions and should open the hearing and decision making process to ensure transparency.”

Capital Jury Instructions:  Numerous problems were found in the area of Jury Instruction; some of these included: 

“…Jurors in Alabama appear to be having difficulty understanding their roles and responsibilities, as described by the judge in his/her charge to the jury….”  

“…Alabama capital jurors not only are confused about the scope of mitigation evidence that they may consider, but also about the applicable burden of proof and the unanimity of finding required for mitigating factors”

 “…Capital jurors in Alabama also have had difficulty understanding the requirements associated with finding the existence of statutory aggravating factors….”

“A full 40% of capital jurors interviewed in Alabama do not understand that they must find that one or more statutory aggravating circumstances exist beyond a reasonable doubt.  In addition, capital jurors fail to understand the effect of finding that the defendant’s conduct was “heinous, vile or depraved” or that the defendant would be dangerous in the future.  Although a sentence of death is not required upon a finding of one or more aggravating circumstances, 56.3% of interviewed Alabama capital jurors believed that they were required to sentence the defendant to death if they found the defendant’s conduct to be “heinous, vile, or depraved” beyond a reasonable doubt.  Similarly, 52.1% of interviewed Alabama capital jurors believed that if they found the defendant to be a future danger to society, they were required by law to sentence him/her to death, despite the fact that future dangerousness is not a statutory aggravating circumstance and that non-statutory aggravating circumstances are not allowed.”
 
Judicial Independence:  The area of Judicial Independence is related to the “politics” that often plays into the judicial process.   “With increasing frequency, judicial elections, appointments, and confirmations are being influenced by consideration of judicial nominees’ or candidates’ purported views of the death penalty or of judges’ decisions in capital cases.  In addition, judge’s decisions in individual cases sometimes are or appear to be improperly influenced by electoral pressures.  This erosion of judicial independence increases the possibility that judges will be selected, elevated, and retained in office by a process that ignores the larger interests of justice and fairness, and instead focuses narrowly on the issue of capital punishment, undermining society’s confidence that individuals in court are guaranteed a fair hearing.” 

Racial and Ethnic Minorities:  “Whatever the cause, Alabama’s death penalty system reflects serious racial disparities. Specifically, twenty-eight out of the thirty-four people—over 82%—who have been executed in Alabama since 1976 were convicted of killing white people, despite the fact that over sixty-five percent of all murders each year in Alabama involve black victims.   Eighty percent of Alabama’s current death row prisoners were convicted of murdering white people.  Thus, it appears that those convicted of killing white victims are far more likely to receive a death sentence than those convicted of killing non-white victims.
Although the State of Alabama agreed to examine the impact of racial discrimination in its criminal justice system, specifically in sentencing, there is no indication that it has done so, nor has it taken steps to develop new strategies to eliminate the role of race in capital sentencing.  Furthermore, the State of Alabama does not currently collect and maintain the data necessary to fully evaluate the impact of race in capital sentencing.”

Mental Retardation and Mental Illness:   “In Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002), the United States Supreme Court held that it is unconstitutional to execute offenders with mental retardation.  This holding, however, does not guarantee that individuals with mental retardation will not be executed, as each state has the authority to make its own rules for determining whether a capital defendant is mentally retarded.”  

In the State Of Alabama, there are three factors that bear on this issue. 

(1)  Alabama’s criminal system is uncertain as to whether an IQ score in the low or mid-70s disqualifies a defendant or death row inmate from being found to have mental retardation. Thus, in deciding this issue, the Alabama Court of Criminal Appeals has been inconsistent in its application of the definition of mental retardation than the Alabama Supreme Court.

(2)  Alabama has no policies in place to make sure that persons who may have mental retardation are represented by attorneys who understand and appreciate their client’s mental limitations.  Instead, capital defendants who may be mentally retarded are assigned (or not assigned) counsel under the same rules and fee structure as every other capital defendant.

(3)  Alabama has no laws that set forth the procedures to determine if a person is mentally retarded in terms of criminal law.  There is no procedure that determines at what point in trial this will be determined, or how it will be determined.
Although the report does not specifically say so, after reading this extensive and exhaustive report, one could reasonably conclude that The State Of Alabama is extremely weak in it’s application of policies and procedures that safeguard the fairness of its judiciary.  

“Despite the best efforts of a multitude of principled and thoughtful actors who play roles in the criminal justice system in the State of Alabama, our research establishes that at this point in time, the State cannot ensure that fairness and accuracy are the hallmark of every case in which the death penalty is sought or imposed.  Because of that, the members of the Alabama Death Penalty Assessment Team, except Arthur Green who dissents, join with over 450 other organizations, religious institutions, newspapers, and city/town/county councils and call on the State of Alabama to impose a temporary moratorium on executions until such time as the State is able to appropriately address the problem areas identified throughout this Report, and in particular the Executive Summary.”

 
I want to dedicate this commentary to my father, the late Wilkie Clark, who in 1971, as I approached graduation from Roanoke City Schools, tried his best to encourage me to attend Howard University, and major in law.

He was very much in tune with the flaws in our legal system.   Just as I now understand more clearly how our legal system victimizes so many black men, back then, my father understood the part that our flawed legal system had historically played in the legalized mistreatment of black folks in every area of American life, and especially in the Southeastern part of the country.   

In addition to this awareness, my father had a high respect for the law.  He came along at a time when Howard University was unrivaled in its reputation for producing great black legal minds who were well indoctrinated in the principles of making that law work to benefit black people, despite the inherent mechanisms within it that frequently worked against blacks.  Black law grads coming out of Howard University had been drilled, and had soaked in every aspect of the law, and knew it so well, until they became masters at what would it would take to turn it upside down, and inside out, to make sweeping changes that would ultimately make life better for black America. 

Through my association with my father, I was privileged to meet many of them, and I believe that at that time, the lawyers who graduated from Howard University came out of law school on a mission.   They were aggressive and determined to liberate black folks. 

But, no such lawyers are being produced any more.   I do not believe they are even being taught how to practice law aggressively any more.  Everywhere you go, all you see in law offices, are a bunch of sell-outs, who are looking for money, an easily winnable case, and a name.   Now, in many civil litigations, they want to run all over the golf course, or sit at the bar, and negotiate your fate with your enemy.   And they’ve come up with a fancy word for it…they call it arbitration.

At this stage of my life, I can boast many accomplishments.  I was privileged to earn a Masters Degree in Education; to teach in both the public and private sector; to be elected to public office which I held for 18 years;  to own and operate my own business; to author and publish books; and to help establish and write for a black news media  – But, I also have a few regrets, too.  One of them is that I didn’t follow through with my father’s pleadings that I go to one of the most prestigious black universities and take up the law profession.

Oddly enough, I have observed so many areas in life wherein black people are victimized without reservation, until I have had a lifetime of difficulty trying to decide where my own personal abilities could be the most effectively used to help rectify these disparities.

I have posted in this week’s People’s Voice, an article related to the Death Penalty study recently released by the American Bar Association.  

After reading such a report, I am livid. 

I am angry over how We The People, we, the politically correct, the affluent of the community, the pillars of society, the religiously self-righteous, the academia, the high and mighty  ― acquiesce with a system so riddled with flaws and so ridiculously and shamefully unjust and uneven and still go to bed, sleep soundly, and get up day after day, and not show any signs of concern or remorse over the lives that have been snuffed out with no sensitivity or regard for the possibility that mistakes may have been made; defenses may have been incompetent or inadequate; evidence may have been tainted; investigative work may have been sloppy; a jury may not have understood their instructions.      

I am angry over how incompetent lawyers “get over” economically ― and even get wealthy ― on the poor, the ignorant and the illiterate with their half-baked, half-hearted practice and mis-application of the law.  

And I regret that I didn’t go ahead and major in law and establish a practice in Alabama. 

Because if I had, I do not believe that I could have stood quietly and idly by and participated in a centuries-old penal system that casually victimizes the innocent as a matter of routine.

I couldn’t have stood to spend my lifetime sitting in the halls of justice, day after day, getting wealthy and fat preying on the ignorance of the innocent and the naïve, working within a system that would knowingly convict people to death without assuring the existence of a fair and just process through which to do it.  My conscience could not have allowed me to do it.

No.  I would have been another Thurgood Marshall or Constance Baker Motley.

I can just hear my daddy saying “Charlotte, I told you so…. I told you what to do, but you were listenin’ to your ma.  Yaw’ll didn’t think I had no sense.”   

I really regret it, because in today’s society, so charged with foolishness, and professional mediocrity, some one is needed, who is able to stand up and challenge the status quo, by demanding fairness, justice, and equity.    I don’t know one single attorney practicing today who has the guts to do it.

Today, God only knows how many black folk are suffering for not having listened to the wisdom of our elders.   In modern society, we have more blacks than ever entering every field imaginable.   It is unbelievable how our young  upwardly mobile blacks are now using these opportunities to advance themselves personally and economically without thinking about giving back to their communities or their people.   We must get committed to putting all our education and technological know-how to use, by applying what we know to become part of the movement to help liberate those who cannot help themselves – such as those who fall prey to the unfair judicial system.

Fairness, Justice, Equity…. It is our constitutional right.    It should not have to be bought or paid for.  It is a guarantee.  And under that constitution, our government has an obligation to all of us, to make it a reality, we the people must demand it, and we must have it (in the words of Malcolm X)  BY ANY MEANS NECESSARY! 

Lately, I have been trying to figure out why it is that we African Americans are so out of tune with what is going on in our nation. Many of us think that we have really arrived.

Recently I asked several black individuals if they had read “The Covenant With Black America?”

“What’s that?” was the most frequent response I got after asking this question.

Ask the average young black male “Who is Tavis Smiley?” he can’t tell you.

Ask the average black youngster “Who was Martin Luther King, Jr. and what did he do?” they are barely able to demonstrate even a vague understanding of what M.L.K was all about, and the civil rights struggles of African Americans.

I often stop people on the street and ask, “Have you read The People’s Voice?”

Most frequent answer: “Oh, Yeah! I heard about it but I havent’ read it yet?”

“Why not?”

“Well, you know, I don’t really like to read…..”

We ought to be ashamed to let anybody hear us say that we don’t want or like to read!

Young African Americans understand that they are victimized by the judicial system, they are profiled by law enforcement, and they understand about prison, but they have no earthly idea why this is. They are unable to make the connection between a long-standing history stemming from the enslavement of Africans dating back to the 1600’s and before, and what is happening to them now.

My late father used to make a statement that would have us all rolling around on the floor with laughter. He’d say something like: “I done just made up my mind to get clean out of the Negro race!” I’m sure he really didn’t mean that. But, I think when he said that, he was trying to show how ashamed and embarrassed he would be about certain demeaning conditions that we as a race allow to persist. He would often say that we are too lazy and sorry to get up and do something about our condition, and it would almost make him want to “divorce” his blackness.

Today, I believe he would be even more ashamed of our condition. He along with many of our black icons, and leaders, would be ashamed of the conditions that we now allow to exist and persist in our race: the lack of knowledge of our history by black youth, the lack of interest in civic responsibility on the part of many of our adults; the way young black men often flee from the responsibility of fatherhood, and manhood. The way our young women are throwing themselves around sexually, and allowing the AIDS epidemic to destroy our population unchecked; the way we have allowed an unfair judicial system to imprison millions of black men all over our country.

I think that one of the biggest reasons for these problems is that we are not “Tuned In.” We are not paying attention to what is going on around us. We are too busy being materialistic and superficial, and listening to everything but what we ought to be listening to.

We have forsaken the black family, an institution that has held historical significance for black folks since the beginning of time. We have given the responsibility of child-rearing over to the after-school tutorial program, the boys and girls clubs, the schools, and juvenile court system. And we have turned deaf ears to the cries of our babies. We have forgotten that nothing takes the place of good old-fashioned parenting, and genuine love.

But, we have forsaken everything that has traditionally been near and dear to us. And for what? Jobs, homes, cars; material wealth?

We have an obligation to future generations of black youth, to tune in to our surroundings, and take notice of what is happening in our midst. We must do this, before it is everlasting, too late.
_________________________
This article was composed and written by Charlotte A. Clark-Frieson, and appeared in  The People’s Voice  Weekly News (http://www.peoplesvoiceonline.com/).   This article may be reprinted ONLY with permission from the author:
Charlotte A. Clark-Frieson
email:  caclarkfrieson@msn.com
322 Wilkie Clark Drive
Roanoke, Alabama 36274
334-863-4885
334-338-1149

I have always been concerned about my neighborhood and my community.  I suppose I am that way by nature because I grew up in a home with parents who valued civic awareness and participation.   I was always taught that we (citizens) should participate in all aspects of our community so as to make them better.   But, as I was growing up in Roanoke, Alabama, I observed that blacks were often prohibited from full participation in the community in one way or another.  Thus, I started at a very young age, to perceive Roanoke and the whole county, as a place that was unfriendly toward blacks.  So, I got an attitude that I’ve had most of my life.   I’m sure most of our attitudes toward our communities have been shaped by our experiences in our community, no matter where it is.  Roanoke, LaFayette, Opelika, Alex City…

Because of my childhood and young adult experiences in Roanoke, I have to describe my relationship with my community as a “love-hate” relationship.  When it comes to my community, I can’t afford to deceive myself.  This is my home and although I want to love it, and I believe that I should love it. there are often times that I wish it weren’t.  There are times that I loathe the place.  And at times my life is an internal struggle to reconcile these two opposing thoughts.   

 
My life of 52 years has afforded me too many opportunities to witness the evolution of Roanoke, Alabama, and sad as it is, little has changed.   The “separate but equal era” was one of the most hideous experiences in my life.  Here in Roanoke, Jim Crow was everywhere.  It was the order of the day.   There are many experiences that I recall as a child that have never left me….And even some of those who perpetrated their evil “Jim Crow” deeds that often bruised my young black ego, are still here. 

 
I never shall forget once, my parents and I stopped at a gas station in East Roanoke.  A white service station attendant came running out of the store, and yelled at my father “What can I get for you Smokey?”   I think my father was in such a state of shock until he could not speak, because it was the first time I’d ever seen him speechless.  My mother was yelling, “Drive Off!  Just leave!  You don’t have to spend your money at a station where the attendant calls you “Smokey!”    My father finally came to himself and sped away as fast as he could.   The memories of this event having happened right here in my hometown, are irascible and have hung over my head like a threatening black cloud.  They cannot be erased from my memory.   In my mind, I question myself, “What kind of a place could breeds people who thought and acted this way?”

 
School desegregation was one ugly chain of events after another.   I often reflect on the many evil deeds that were perpetrated against my mother and my father in the name of white superiority, and I get mad.    I’m not mad so much over those particular events, but what really makes me mad is that some of the same characters and individuals who performed during that theater, are still here;  they are still leading, or if not leading, they are advising, but they are somewhere in the picture.   With all the entitlements that have been won through the civil rights struggles of the previous century, the true powers that be, still have not changed….not really.   And it is most evident in our major institutions—the halls of justice ― the school house ―  city hall ―corporate America  ―  commerce  AND lo and behold, even in the church ―  everywhere.     

Having witnessed all this unfriendliness, I sometimes wonder, “Why waste my time caring about a place like Roanoke?”  Then, I look at my young adult children, who are still here, and my grandson who is here, and realize that I have a duty to care, because of them.   And that’s why my parents cared, because of me.  

 
Why don’t more citizens participate in the political process?  Why are so many more blacks in the county jail in Wedowee?  Why don’t our young people seem to care about

their character and values?   Why are drug dealers, junkies and dope pushers being allowed to control the streets in neighborhoods where little children are growing up?

 
The only answer I can come up with is that they have lost hope.   Very few black people in this area have ever really felt any real ownership of this community.  We are called upon ONLY in a crisis or when needed.  We are called upon to shell out our money to the municipal courts and to condescend to everything punitive or oppressive that can be forced upon us.  Rather than approach us from a positive perspective, instead we are attacked.  So, when people are constantly under attack, they retreat – and they ultimately lose hope.

 
Many blacks whether they admit it or not, are still affected by the ugliness of living under Jim Crow in Alabama.  Many of us are still filled with anger.  And even though on the surface, we try to “go along just to get along,”  we are all touchy about these things.  And it is really going to take something deeper and more far-reaching than just court-ordered entitlements to fix these things.  

 
A revival of a totally different kind is needed, wherein true and complete repentance is made.  Many individuals have repented in their hearts for misdeeds that may have been committed back in the day, but until you come face to face with the one you offended, healing will never evolve.   We do a lot of preaching and prophesying, and whooping and hollering …. Many church groups, and even former President Clinton forfeited a wonderful opportunity to reconcile with Black America.   A simple apology would have gone a long way to make things better.  But, pride gets in the way.   Until America, along with every one of its municipalities, counties, and institutions falls on its knees, and confesses to the wrongs that have been committed against black America, we must face the fact that we will never rise to our ultimate greatness.    

 
Our town is suffering right now.  Even though we have a few new businesses coming in to our town, by and large, anybody living in Roanoke who is making a decent living is commuting to another community.   Within the last month, we have lost two of our businesses.   Our down-town is a “ghost town.”  Our city has very little industry; and even though we have a lot of eateries, if we don’t do something to attract more industry to our area, nobody here will be able to afford these eateries.   In the black neighborhoods

Many of our communities are totally drug-infested…..with junkies walking the streets night and day. 

 
With the current increase in fuel costs, this is no time for municipal or state government to bear down on its most economically oppressed citizens.  But what do our cities do?  Step up police activity so it can further impose financially upon the poor, disenfranchised and oppressed.   

 
We need a civic revival here and everywhere.  Leaders must learn that they need everybody pulling together to make the community a place where all can prosper.  Instead of attacking we must embrace diversity, and find ways to make citizenship all-inclusive phenomenon, where everybody feels some ownership in the community – and not just treat it as an exclusive right.  

 
Unless there are changes in the attitudes of those who lead, we will forever be spinning our wheels, going no-where.

Recently, I have observed many of the events that are impacting black neighborhoods and communities throughout East Alabama and West Central Georgia.  As a result of my observations I have found one common thread that runs throughout our communities.

What many black individuals are lacking is a sense of commitment.   Thus many of our communities are suffering.

When one raises questions regarding the declining state of affairs within black communities, and among black adults, and youth, the common element is a gross lack of commitment.

Why are so many of our historic institutions dwindling in membership?  Why is there such a lack of interest in the institutions that have long been pillars of the African American way of life…such institutions as the Prince Hall Masons, Eastern Stars, N.A.A.C.P., our Political Caucases, and in many instances, even our organized churches.

Again, the answer looks me squarely in the face…  We are not as committed as our forebears were.   This leads me to ask, why?  What happened?  The only way I can answer this question, is in light of our slightly improved social status during latter century, we became quite relaxed in teaching and passing on to our youth the virtues and values that once undergirded our entire race:  COMMITMENT to our collective cause and general well-being, was a major character attribute that most of us were taught.   Now-a-days, our younger blacks are committed only to themselves, and their personal interests.  There is no commitment to community; no commitment evident – not even to the personal relationships (thus the steady increase in the divorce rate, and single-parenthood).    

What does it all mean?  We need to get back to basics, and again, emphasize the teaching of commitment.  This teaching must begin at an early age.  Otherwise, the only people who will have the interest and commitment to preserve our historic institutions – those strong bridges that have brought us across the troubled waters of black life in America, will be those who remember and value commitment.